and they still dared to wave back. we cannot be together. each week, american history tv sits in on a lecture with one of the nation's college professors. you can watch the classes here every saturday at 8:00 p.m. and midnight eastern and sundays at 1:00 p.m. this week, history professor chandra manning looks at the emancipation proclamation and the escalation of the civil war. she examines how the inclusion of the black soldiers helped deliver the union victory. this took place at georgetown university in washington, d.c.

all right, well, in class so far as you know, we've considered the union and con confederacy together. we have talked about lincoln and davis and we have compared their presidencies and the challenges they each faced. we have compared how northern and southern publics expected the war to go and how the first year really defied expectations for everybody. we've compared ways in which the war really destabilized the basic pillars of society, both north and south. fundamental things like gender roles in both societies. but the war evolved from a limited war to a hard war beginning in 1862. and once that happened, the war affected the union and the confederacy quite differently. we're going to diverge for a couple weeks and talk about them one at a time. union today, and next week, and confederacy next week from now through the end of the war, and when the war ends, we'll bring

them back together again. today is a union day. the reason has to do today's subject, that is the war ships from the limited war to a hard war. once the war does that, it really does start to affect the two societies quite differently. so today, like i say, i want to look at what shift a hard war meant for the union. i want to think about why the happened. what i would like you to be asking yourself, though, is did a shift of hard war, and we'll talk about what that meant, revolution. it starts as a limited war, do we have an actual revolution by 1862? if we do, how and when and why did that happen? for whom, and what difference did that make to the way that the war played out? so those are our big questions for today. i want us to start by doing historians' favorite thing to do, that is take something you think you know, something that

is familiar, and make it strange all over again. i passed out the lyrics to the battle hymn of the republic, which you have known since grade school and you probably can't listen to without hearing the voice of bart simpson, but today, i will change that. we're going to hear it twice. the reason why we're going to hear it is because i think in this quite famous song, we see signs of the union's shift to a different kind of war. it's written in 1862. my life's quest is to find a recording of this song that i actually like, and i haven't done that yet. the song is a march. you're supposed to kind of parade down the streets to it. anytime anyone sings it, it sounds like a lullaby. we're going to listen to it the first time looking at the lyrics. then we'll have our lecture today. at the end of class, i want us to return and i'm going to play it for you as a regimental band would have played it. it will have tempo. and at that point, i want to

talk about the notion of hard war. where do you see that in the song? but let's start today by hearing the words, pretend people are singing these words much more robustly, but here are the words. ♪ mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the lord ♪ ♪ he is tramping out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stores ♪ ♪ he has loosed the faithful lightning of her terrible swift sword ♪ ♪ his truth is marching on ♪ glory glory hallelujah glory glory, glory hal hal lieu ♪

♪ glory glory hallelujah his truth is marching on ♪ ♪ i have seen him in the fires of 100 circle ♪ ♪ they have build him an alter to condemn ♪ ♪ his day is marching on ♪ glory glory hallelujah glory glory hallelujah ♪ ♪ glory glory hallelujah his truth is marching on ♪ ♪ and god is marching on

♪ glory glory hallelujah glory glory hallelujah ♪ ♪ glory glory hallelujah his truth is marching on ♪ ♪ he has come before the trumpet never for retreat ♪ ♪ our god is marching on ♪ glory glory hallelujah glory glory hallelujah ♪ ♪ glory glory hallelujah his truth is marching on ♪ ♪ in the beauty of the village christ was born across the sea ♪

♪ with a glory in his boz m as big as you and me ♪ ♪ as he died to make men holy, let us die to make men free ♪ ♪ our god is marching on ♪ glory glory hallelujah glory glory hallelujah ♪ ♪ glory glory hallelujah his truth is marching on ♪ >> in my other life, other aspect of my life, i'm also a distance runner and i sing to myself when i run because then no one can hear me. this is, by the way, if you're a distance runner, one of the greatest ever hill running songs. you say that to yourself and you're at the top of the hill before you know it.

all right, we will return to that song and we'll hear more scurrying, more stirring musical version at the end. file it away in the back for a bit here. let's take a step back. i said that today we're talking about the war shift from a limited war to a hard war. it makes sense to make sure we we know where we started from. remind me, anybody, when we talk about a limited war, what did that mean? >> not taking crops, burning the shore. it's more you meet in battle, go like that. >> right. >> more of a military maneuver, focusing on contrast between select military units, leaving the civilian population pretty much untouched. sort of like we know how that turned out.

>> yes, mcclellan is who springs to mind. the underlying assumption, this notion on the union's side of latent unionism. if you're lincoln, do you think most northern white southerners are gung ho for the confederacy? no, they're led astray by the leaders and if we extend the hand of friendship to them, then good sense will rise to the surface and they'll come back into the union. so that's how union military policy is formulated. conciliationism is the textbook term it gets, but that's why. what do soldiers do? they spend their time guarding civilianscrops and property, including their slave property in the early part of the war. the notion is all this is going to take is the armies are going to have to meet once or twice, one or two clashes and then the war is done and we can all go home. well, that notion died in the western theater earlier than it

did in the eastern theater. i didn't remind you to bring your map today. you might not have them. if you do, this is a good map moment. i brought one for you just in case. it's shiloh in the west, where we usually date the beginning of the end for limited warfare. it happens in april of 1862, and u.s. grant was there, and he noted that the battle of shiloh, i as well as thousands of other citizens believe the rebellion against the government would collapse suddenly, that as soon as a decisive victory can be gained over any of its armies. but after shiloh, i gave up all idea of saving the union except by complete conquest. now, by complete conquest, he meant the union army would have to knock out the confederate army which as we have seen would be no mean feat, but he meant more than that. what he meant was that the will and the ability to wage war was clearly arising from more than just the confederate army.

that will and ability resided in the confederate public in southern people, too. so if you're going to wipe out the enemy's will and ability to wage war, you have to wipe it out where it lives. and that includes at all livls of society. and it also meant that winning the war would take more than a northern army, a union army. it would take the participation of all levels of northern society, too. so when we talk about a shift from limited to hard war, that's what we're talking about. more than just setting fire to cornfields, we saw in the first year, confederates are lighting up cotton fields. that part starts early. we're made a shift in who we're fighting and how we fight them and how we win this war. that shift did not happen all of a sudden on tuesday afternoon at 3:00. it happened at different places in different times. the west was where the shift began in the western armies. and we seen militarily, evidence of that shift in the west.

when we talk about military campaigns in the west in 1862, the biggies were torrent, which is a railroad junction, and it's nothing besides a railway junction. but there's a major conflict there, and rivers. why? shipping up and down. not just to get supplies to army, but that's how society ships now, railroads and rivers. those become the target of the main union military campaign in 1862. so that's one way in which we see the beginnings of the hard war notion in the west in 1862. we also see a shift to hard war in the sense of war impacting every level of society in a number of other ways. one of them is wherever the union army went, slaves walked. that's not the army. that's a whole other level of confederate society that cleary sees itself as party to and involved in this conflict.

by 1862, there were encampments of fugitive slaves, refugee slaves all along the river also along other rivers. also at rail junctions. what did these slaves do when they got there? some of them allowed the union army to hold places like nashville. nashville goes to the union army quite early. taking a city and keeping a city are two different things. how does the union hold on to nashville? partly by building something called ft. negly. who build that? slaves who ran to the union army. they cooked, they laundered, they did daily tasked that freed up soldiers for other duties. at the end of the day, the conflict is going to come down to manpower as much as anything. freeing up manpower is a direct military contribution. slaves, refugees, sometimes called contrabands nursed sick soldiers.

that doesn't sound like much, but when we talked to the hospital what most predicted that lack of nursing. so working at nurses mattered. and another way in which slaves flocking to union forces contributes to manpower. numerically smaller ways but exciting and dramatic ways nonetheless were aiding a p.o.w. prisoner of war escape. a soldier, i looked for a vermont one for you, but the closest one i could get was maine. hannibal and three other guys from his regiment in maine or were from maine were captured and held in the confederate prison in columbia, south carolina. and they got out of prison. that's good step number one, but it's 200 miles to the nearest union lines which are in knoxville, tennessee.

mr. hannibal has never been to knoxville, tennessee. how is he going to get there? how he gets there is that slave sort of form almost this underground network that get him to union army lines. how do they know where union army line? because they're going back and forth between them. and so there are really concrete ways in which in 1862, level society that union soldiers thought wasn't going to be too involved is involved. and they're quite central by 18 of 2. 1862. we can see hard war in another way, and that is wherever the union army goes, from 1862 on, slavery is destabilized. we start the war with this notion of conciliation, protecting and guarding properties, whatever that property might be. that's out the window in the west by 1862. and i'll give you an example. remember that the union army takes new orleans in 1862, right?

so throughout louisiana, slavery is now destabilized. magnolia, louisiana, is not terribly close to new orleans, but slaves in magnolia, louisiana, know that the union army is in new orleans. that's a chink in slaveholders' armor as they see it. the slaves on one plantation in magnolia start to make new demands. we'll work from this hour to this hour but we get the afternoons in our own garden plots, and you can start paying us $10 a month. you can imagine the initial response of the owner and the overseer to this new idea, no. but then a couple miles away, some slaves on a different plantation get ahold of arms and they threaten their owner and overseer so the magnolia plantation slaves build a gallows as a warning sign. what do you know? the owner and overseer think waging and your own schedule are not such a bad idea. so the point is here is a level

of society quite outside the army, slaves on the plantation, for whom the war has already upset, destabilized, allowed them to remake daily life in 1862. now, again, this is the west. it happens faster in the west. than it does in the east. the east, limited warfare maintains a longer lease of life, number of reasons, one as your point out, tim, is general george mcclellan. he remains a believer in warfare and a conciliatory policy. we extend our hands to them and they come back. this is not how we do this thing. yeah, ethan? >> where might they have gotten the discovery of total war? he wasn't getting it from the european strategy at the time, either. >> no, he said he got it, at

least, was the battle of shiloh. he's also the guy who said you could walk from one end of the battleground to the other and not hit the ground because you would have stopped on a body. the visceral experience of the war as a much more brutal clash than anticipated, but even that, even shiloh didn't elicit -- that was a huge battle, a huge battle, if we're going to do it, that should have done it. we didn't get a, yeah, you were right, game over. that's part of it. grant is also part of this campaign, part of the forces in the west who see these slaves walking to union lines, who see society really upended, whether that's what he had in mind or not. i would say you're right. it's not from a textbook although maybe he knew the origin of the line or politics by other means. maybe he knew that stuff. i think what did it for him was experience, being there on the ground. and things didn't go how anyone planned.

in the east, either, which leads to the question, why did mcclellan hang on as long as he did? he's just a different guy. but things do look different in the east. now, remember, there are signs even in the east that this war is going to play out differently than anyone anticipated from quite early on. you remember ft. monroe, may 23rd, 1861, just weeks into the war, we already have three former slaves running to union general benjamin butler, he doesn't decide for sure whether they're free or not, but he won't give them back. we have sign in the east as early as may 23rd, 1861, things might not go as plans. in south carolina, the key islands of south carolina, which are islands off the eastern coast of south carolina, those fall to the union in november of 1861. when that happens, most of the

planters, white planters leave, and most slaves stay, and so you have interactions between union army and the slave people in those key islands from november of 1861 on. and there are some great stories surrounding the sea islands occupation. a fellow named robert small, you can see him up at the top here. robert smalls was a slave, but he was not a field hand. he was an enslaved man whose job was to pilot a steamer. steamer is owned by confederates. this steamer called the planter is running arms and ammunition among confederate forces. smalls in 1861, i forget the exact date, early on, smalls gets the idea that i steer the boat. and there are some union ships block aiding the coast not too far away, and i can go pretty fast. i'm going to give it a shot. so smalls and his crew, also slaves, smalls and the crew run the boat to union lines.

and it's accepted as a prize of war. he gets half the prize, and he continues to pilot boats for the union navy now, for the rest of the war. you have people like robert smalls who are saying from quite early on, even in the east, this is not such a limited war. i do not care what somebody like george mcclellan says. may 13th, 1862. that's when smalls did that. well, as i keep saying, the army in the potomac is a little different. it's the one that everybody knows about, everybody cares about, everyone follows. the army of the potomac that is trying to take richmond. huge, symbolic value because it's right outside washington, d.c.'s door. in the army of the potomac, the conciliatory policy hangs on longer. even there, even there on the ground reality starts to get in the way. so the peninsula campaign, as you know, brought union army

forces, the army of the potomac, within four miles or six mimes, within sight of the gates of richmond. didn't take richmond, we'll get to that, but they get close. how did they get so close? lots of things contribute. one factor is spying and intelligence of the lay of the land. who on the peninsula knows the lay of the land who is sympathetic to the union cause? absolutely. so there's all kinds -- slaves spying networks going on, even as early as the peninsula campaign. the general served in the army of the potomac and didn't invent baseball, didn't care for baseball, but you can think of him as an interesting fellow for this reason. he noted as early as 1862, part of the peninsula campaign that slaves bring much valuable information that cannot be obtained from any other source. they make excellent guides and frequently have exposed spies and traitors.

so by the time that peninsula campaign is in full swing, there's already some tension between mcclellan and the men in his ranks, the guys when are benefitting from the strategic information brought in by slaves, the tension between mcclellan and the united states congress, particularly republicans in congress, who hear what's going on on the ground and who are losing faith in limited warfare, and you know there's tension between mcclellan and lincoln because we read that correspondence between them a couple weeks ago. and i think it's safe to say that the air was a little tense. mcclellan gets his way through the punens law campaign. how does it end, though? right, they get within four or six miles, i forget which, but they do not take richmond. when the campaign fails, mcclellan is at least for the time being, discredited. so really, we date the end of limited warfare and the transition to something new in the east there, with a failure

of the peninsula campaign. the summer of 1862. and so in summer of 1862, we start to see signs of a harder war in the east as well as the west. one of them is that call for 300,000 more troops. this is going to be a longer, harder war, it will take more men. so we're calling father abraham, 300,000 more is part of the campaign for more men. we also see mcclellan replaced by general henry halak. now, halak is a very different guy. sometimes known as old brains. this is his picture right here. he has a very different idea about how wars should be carried out. rather than guarding civilian property as mcclellan's method, he argued it's the property of active rebel sympathizers could be confiscated by the army

because it's time they should feel the presence of war. halak rather than mcclellan is sort of noting to all involved things are going to change. they don't change like we suddenly start building fields of hay. they change in ways that say all of society and not just armies are in play here. and a clear example of war being something that happens not just on battlefields, not even just in violent confrontation, but in all levels of society is the famous butler's woman order. general order number 28, issued by benjamin butler in new orleans, louisiana. butler keeps popping up in all kinds of places. he truly is one of the most opportunistic figures in the war. he's always good for a story. here's what he does here. union troops as you know occupied new orleans in may of 1862, and the women of new orleans were not pleased about this occupation, but also counted on the fact of there being women to make them immune, to make them untouchable,

really. and so women of new orleans launch a sort of harassment campaign. they call soldiers names, they spit on them, they throw chamber pot contents on them, and you know, they're not -- lives are not in danger, but butler has had it. he has had it with the notion that we have to do two things at once. we're supposed to be fighting this war, but also treating the people who hate us with utmost stability. make up your mind, we do one or the other. so butler issues orders number 28, the women order, the text of which says any woman caught abusing or demeaning a union soldier shall be regarded and held liable to be treated as a woman of the town buying her -- that means what you think it means. this order is an enormous insult. why is this such a huge, huge -- it's giggle, giggle funny.

why is it such a huge insult to issue an order like this. and that's precisely how he meant it. >> it calls the women of new orleans prostitutes, basically. >> that's exactly what it does. that's exactly what it does. and that is an insult to women, obviously. also a huge insult to southern men because who is supposed to be in charge of the behavior, the virtue in particular, of white southern women? particularly women of the upper classes, which as you can see, as butler has in mind here, who is supposed to police them? absolutely, white men. you remember the story, the fight we read, and the two women, one says something not too nice to another and they don't fight, but their husbands, exactly, because their husbands who have fallen down on the job because the women's behavior isn't up to snuff. exactly what butler is doing. he's calling into question the honor of the men because they're not patrolling or policing their women. and that's exactly what he meant to do.

what he meant to do, the other thing he meant to do was give notice that from now on, women of new orleans, you are responsible for your own behavior in public. so the order is never acted on. i mean, it's not like suddenly these women are rounded up and arrested as prostitutes among other things. they just stopped dumping their chamber pots. what it does do and what it's meant to do is disrupt gender roles, to say to white southern men, you're not so in charge anymore. there's a new boss in town, and it's us. and that's exactly what butler meant to do. so i think butler's order helped us be precise about what this notion of hardware means. not just indiscriminate slaughter, but these women aren't rounded up, henry halak, the guy who says make civilians feel it, henry halak's not a burn and torch everything guy, either. he's an expert on international law. he in fact had written a treatise on international law. in 1862, he was good friends

with a guy who was a legal scholar. he comes and visited halak while he's still in the west, and halak's urging lieber writes what becomes known as general orders number 100. you heard of it as the lieber code. it's a code of conduct for how to treat noncombatants in war time. it becomes the foundation for the geneva convention. this is a guy who also oversees the transition to hard war. it's a more complicated concept than we at first think. it involves more than burning and destruction. it means something more specific than suddenly the devil came down to dixie. so what it really means is how people thought about, how they prosecuted the civil war shifted from pitch battles between armies to a much broader context between two full societies. by the summer of 1862, the union has recognized that the war can